The Mahayuti Trio: Eknath Shinde (extreme left), Devendra Fadnavis (middle) and Ajit Pawar (extreme right) at the swearing-in ceremony of the heads of the new government on December 5, 2024, in Mumbai| Photo: Getty Images The Mahayuti Trio: Eknath Shinde (extreme left), Devendra Fadnavis (middle) and Ajit Pawar (extreme right) at the swearing-in ceremony of the heads of the new government on December 5, 2024, in Mumbai| Photo: Getty Images 
Pink, a seemingly unlikely political colour, took centrestage at the star-studded swearing-in ceremony of the three heads of the Mahayuti government at Mumbai’s iconic Azad Maidan.
Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis and Deputy CM Ajit Pawar stole the show, twinning in mauve pink jackets. Seated together, next to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the chemistry between the two leaders, seen bantering and smiling on the stage, was undeniable. Later, Fadnavis even humorously remarked that his ‘pink’ jacket was a gift from Pawar, who had been sporting pink-coloured outfits as part of his campaign strategy.
Former Chief Minister Eknath Shinde though, who also took oath as the deputy CM, seemed disconnected at the much-anticipated event, seated at a distance in his trademark white clothes, synonymous with mainstream Indian politicians.
The appearance of the Mahayuti trio on the stage effectively encapsulated the theatrics of the past two weeks, while also offering a glimpse into the government’s potential future direction.
Ahead of the oath-taking ceremony, Eknath Shinde’s frustration over the CM post cast doubt on his participation, with speculation swirling around his demand for the coveted home ministry. Despite negotiations with Union Home Minister and former Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) President Amit Shah in Delhi, Shinde withdrew to Satara, citing health issues and avoiding further power-sharing talks. As uncertainty persisted,Ajit Pawar on the other hand, had intervened offering the NCP’s unconditional support to Devendra Fadnavis, helping to ensure the government formation proceeded.
“With the BJP getting such a large mandate, the party had all the right to name their CM. Ajit dada gave them a letter on the day of the results extending support for the party and Fadnavis as CM. We accepted their mandate as a senior partner and they have the right to decide who gets what,” said NCP MLC Amol Mitkari.
The BJP named Devendra Fadnavis (54), MLA from Nagpur, as Maharashtra’s CM for a third term. However, post-election developments on November 23 sparked questions about the leadership and direction of the Mahayuti government, comprising the BJP, Shinde’s Shiv Sena and Ajit Pawar’s NCP.
“The question is not just about Shinde’s actions, but also about the BJP, which took a long time to declare Fadnavis as their CM choice even after receiving a thumping majority,” says Shruti Ganapataye, author and political commentator. She adds that Shinde couldn’t have delayed negotiations alone without the BJP leadership’s backing, hinting at internal disagreements over Fadnavis’ nomination.
Since 2014, the BJP under Fadnavis has won three consecutive majorities, crossing 100 seats each time. However, his Brahmin background posed optical challenges amid the state’s caste-heavy politics.; and Maratha leader Murlidhar Mohol and OBC leader Ravindra Chavan were considered as potential CM candidates before Fadnavis’ eventual selection.
How The Sangh Parivar Turned The Tide In MaharashtraAhead of the oath-taking, Eknath Shinde’s frustration over the CM post cast doubt on his participation, with speculation swirling around his demand for the coveted home ministry. “Modi has a habit of choosing dark horse candidates. Moreover, a section within the BJP is hostile to Fadnavis’ rising stars (and) Shinde’s claims for the top post. In all this, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) is likely to have played a role in negotiating for Fadnavis’ name,” Ganpataye says.
The RSS, the BJP’s ideological parent, is set to mark its centenary in 2025, making Devendra Fadnavis’ appointment as Maharashtra CM symbolically significant, said a BJP insider. A Nagpur native and Sangh Swayamsevak, Fadnavis reinforces the BJP-RSS connection. Like Union Minister Nitin Gadkari, he is a key figure in Nagpur’s RSS fraternity, with leadership shaped by Sangh culture and nationalistic ideology.
Fadnavis hails from a staunch Sangh family. His father, Gangadhar, a Jansangh member, was jailed during the Emergency for opposing Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. The young Fadnavis famously refused to attend Indira Convent School, opting instead for the RSS-run Saraswati Vidyalaya. He later became active in ABVP’s student politics, paving the way for his political career. Fadnavis holds a gold medal in constitutional law, an MBA and a diploma from Berlin, combining academic excellence with his ideological grounding.
Fadnavis’ dedication to social work and speeches caught the attention of BJP leaders, leading to his appointment as the party’s state ward president. At 21, he became Nagpur’s youngest municipal councillor and mayor. Since 1999, he has won six consecutive legislative elections from Nagpur Southwest and risen through the BJP ranks as general secretary and president. His rise has left friends like Vivek Ranade, a close friend since childhood, in awe.
“He is very grounded and is a devoted friend with a gentle heart. As a politician, he is popular because he has no dark spots of corruption or indulging in caste politics. He has a clean image and this could not be possible without the influence of Sangh’s culture and teachings,” Ranade said.
When he was an up-and-coming MLA with a lean physique, Ranade coaxed him to model for a local cloth brand. “I told him he was looking smart, unlike an MLA.” Despite his initial reluctance, Fadnavis posed for the shoot in a T-shirt and jeans and the resulting hoardings across Nagpur were a hit, drawing great public attention.
The hoardings boosted Fadnavis’ popularity in such a way that when he met BJP PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee in Delhi, Vajpayee welcomed him with a chuckle, dubbing him a “model-MLA.’
Fadnavis’ image took a hit in 2019 when the BJP lost its claim to form the government after Uddhav Thackeray broke the pre-poll alliance with the BJP and formed the Maha Vikas Aghadi government. As Opposition leader, Fadnavis orchestrated Operation Lotus, tapping into Shinde’s frustration, to split the Shiv Sena. Together, they convinced 41 MLAs to rebel, forming a new government with the BJP’s backing. In 2020, Ajit Pawar followed suit, joining the BJP-Sena coalition, leading to accusations that Fadnavis masterminded the political breakups, undermining loyalty and ideology.
An Incipient Maharashtra Model By hook or crook, Fadnavis had revived the BJP and brought it to power. “He is like a maharathi—a warrior with tremendous potential of patience. We can call him Ajatashatru, the one whose enemy is not yet born,” remarks Abhinandan Pawar, MLA from Ausa in Latur district, who has worked alongside Fadnavis for over 25 years as his associate.
Devendra Fadnavis must manage the power struggle over the distribution of 42 cabinet ministries and key portfolios like home, finance, urban development and public works.Pawar acknowledged Fadnavis’ sacrifices during the 2019 political crisis. After Shinde’s Sena joined the BJP, Fadnavis recommended making Shinde CM to gain the confidence of the 41 rebel MLAs. Shinde became CM in July 2022, with Fadnavis accepting the deputy CM role. Following the BJP’s poor performance in the Maharashtra Lok Sabha elections, Fadnavis offered to resign from his post.
“He did not want to become a deputy CM, but after PM Modi’s call, he accepted the responsibility. He fully supported Shinde in his administrative and political duties,” Pawar said, adding that BJP workers like him are happy to see Fadnavis finally becoming the CM again. “His heart and belly are both large. He keeps a lot of things inside. He knows how to handle difficult situations and manage the interests of his karyakartas,” Pawar said.
As Fadnavis returns to the CM chair, he faces the challenge of balancing Shinde and Ajit Pawar’s ambitions while safeguarding the BJP’s interests. He must manage the power struggle over the distribution of 42 cabinet ministries and key portfolios like home, finance, urban development and public works.
“Which party and minister run these top four ministries, signals their political heft in that jurisdiction. After losing claim to the CM post, Shinde badly wants to maintain his superiorityby keeping the home ministry in his hands, and the BJP cannot afford to give control of the state police to anyone else,” says Neha Purav, a senior journalist from local daily Navakaal, covering the state government.
Within Shiv Sena, there’s a power struggle for the second position after Shinde, who has solidified his leadership through both the Lok Sabha and Assembly. To assert his position, Shinde will need to negotiate with the BJP for key portfolios and legislative positions.Shinde’s son, Dr Shrikant Shinde, a three-time MP, was rumoured to be a deputy CM candidate but clarified on social media that he had no interest in the post, possibly to avoid controversy after Shinde criticised Uddhav for promoting his son Aditya.
Fadnavis will need to carefully steer through the Sena’s complicated demands, without upsetting Shinde. The BJP needs Shinde for the next target of elections for the ten municipal corporations, including in Mumbai, Thane, Pune and Nashik. “The BJP is eying to wrest the reins of Mumbai and Thane civic body out of Thackeray’s hands, where the Sena has been in power since 1970s. Taking over the municipal corporations will effectively give the BJP control over Mumbai, the country’s financial capital,” Purav said.
Shinde is currently the Sena’s most powerful leader with a stronghold on Mumbai and Thane. The BJP cannot afford any miscalculations in its deal with Shinde.
In the NCP camp, Ajit Pawar is likely to continue as finance minister. Some MLAs have voiced the demand for the BJP to treat both allied partners equally, advocating for the NCP to receive the same number of ministries as the Sena, given its higher strike rate—41 seats out of 50 contested.
The NCP’s secular ideology also poses a challenge for the BJP in implementing its Hindutva agenda. The BJP’s manifesto promises a love-jihad law criminalising forced religious conversion for marriage and opposes special reservations for the Muslim minority when in power. The NCP has a large Muslim base and reserves 10 per cent of party positions for Muslims. In the assembly elections, Ajit Pawar gave tickets to five Muslim candidates—the most in the Mahayuti alliance—including senior leader Nawab Malick, despite the BJP’s opposition. Pawar also opposed the BJP’s polarising ‘Batenge Toh Katenge’ (if we are divided, we will fall) slogan.
Mitkari says that the NCP is proud of its secular credentials and will not compromise on its ideology within the BJP-led government. “We will support the BJP in the smooth functioning of the government. However, where needed, we will oppose certain bills or decisions in the house. Our distinct secular identity has earned us support from women, OBCs and Muslims.”
Purav believes that Fadnavis’ biggest challenge will be managing expectations and ambitions within the Mahayuti alliance rather than handling the Opposition and running a government facing cash crunch. With fierce internal competition, the BJP’s problem of plenty could pose a stumbling blockfor the Fadnavis-led government.
(This appeared in the print as 'All For Onelucky horse, One For All?')